Wednesday, July 8, 2026

German doctor convicted of killing 15 patients but he likely killed many more.

The lethal poison drug combination was the same as used for euthanasia.

Alex Schadenberg
Executive Director, 
Euthanasia Prevention Coalition


Bethany Bell reported for BBC news on July 8, 2026 that a German doctor was sentenced to life imprisonment for killing at least 15 patients.

Bell reported that:

A court in Berlin found the 41-year-old man, named only as Johannes M. in line with German privacy rules, guilty of murdering 12 women and 3 men between September 2021 and July 2024.

The authorities believe these killings could be just the tip of the iceberg. Prosecutors are currently investigating dozens of other incidents involving the doctor.

His victims were between the ages of 25 and 94. The court heard how they were all critically ill, but that their deaths were not imminent.

Prosecutors said that during home visits, the doctor administered a lethal combination of various medicines without his patients' consent.

On several occasions, they said he set fires to cover his tracks.

In July 2024, shortly before his arrest, prosecutors said the doctor killed two patients in a single day - a 75-year-old man at his home in central Berlin and, a few hours later, a 76-year-old woman in a neighbouring district.

They said the doctor tried to set fire to the woman's house, but failed. 

CBS News reported on July 8 that:

Presiding judge Sylvia Busch said the conviction for 15 murders may well be only a glimpse of his many crimes.

Prosecutors said during the proceedings that he was suspected of having killed more than 70 other people.

An article by Emily Atkinson that was published by the BBC on April 16, 2025, suggests that he used the similar drugs as are used for euthanasia:

He is accused of administering an anaesthetic and a muscle relaxant to his patients without their knowledge or consent.

The relaxant "paralysed the respiratory muscles, leading to respiratory arrest and death within minutes", the prosecutor's office said in a statement.

Based on the way he killed his patients, they appear to have died in the same way as a euthanasia death. It is likely that the physician was trained by a euthanasia group. 

In 2019, Niels Högel, a nurse in Oldenburg, Germany, was convicted of murdering 85 patients from 2000 to 2005, and investigators suspect the true number of victims was far higher. Mr. Högel was found to have administered drug overdoses that caused cardiac arrest so that he could revive the patients and be celebrated as a hero.

Cases of medical homicide are not uncommon. Medical practitioners who have been convicted of murdering patients, include: Dr. Harold Shipman, Charles Cullen, Dr Virginia Soares de Souza, Aino Nykopp-Koski and Dr. Michael Swango.

Professor Christopher Lyon, who teaches at the University of York (UK) published a research paper on August 2, 2024 stating that Canada's (MAiD) euthanasia law enables healthcare serial killers (HSK).

It is not safe to give doctors, or others, the right in law to kill people.

When a nation legalizes euthanasia, it gives medical professionals, who were already killing their patients, the legal right to proceed.

Monday, July 6, 2026

Norwegian who was convicted of murder is now convicted of assisting a suicide.

Alex Schadenberg
Executive Director, Euthanasia Prevention Coalition

A Norwegian man who was first convicted of murder when he was 15 years-old has been convicted of assisting the suicide of a woman in Sweden.

Steinar Wangen (55), who calls himself a "euthanasia activist" was already in prison for assisting the suicide of of a 76-year-old woman in Strömstad Sweden.

Wangen was convicted of murder last Friday.  Newsinenglish.no reported on July 6, 2026 that:
...a Norwegian court in Vestfold convicted him on Friday of murdering another woman in Sweden (Trollhättan), who allegedly wanted to die, by holding a pillow over her face after she’d consumed sleeping pills and alcohol. His trial took place in Tønsberg, Norway because that’s where he lived when he established contact with the Swedish woman.
Using a pillow is murder. The Newsinenglish.no article stated:
Norwegian prosecutors sought and received a 15-year prison term for Wangen with forvaring, which means a judge must determine every 10 years or so whether he still poses a threat to society. Wangen denies he helped kill the woman in Trollhättan and appealed on the spot.
An interview that was published by svt.se on June 16, 2026, that, in the past, Wangen had been acquitted for assisting the suicides of four people in Sweden. In the interview:
Steinar Wangen calls himself an "euthanasia activist" and has consistently denied any wrongdoing.
The family of the 7 year old girl who Wangen killed when he was 15 referred to him in their book as a
“A cold-blooded and calculating person.”
Legalizing euthanasia or assisted suicide (medical killing) creates the perfect cover for murder.

Sunday, July 5, 2026

How narrative control is narrowing Canada’s MAiD debate

This article was published by Alicia Duncan on July 2, 2026.

Alicia Duncan
The Cost of Certainty

By Alicia Duncan & Kelsi Sheren

Canada’s Medical Assistance in Dying (MAiD) regime was built on a promise that has become central to public trust: that those seeking an assisted death may do so within a framework of careful safeguards designed to protect the vulnerable while respecting autonomy.

I came to this issue not through ideology, but through experience. In October 2021, my mother died by MAiD in British Columbia after a rapid decline marked by severe weight loss, chronic pain, psychiatric deterioration, disordered eating, and profound hopelessness. My family believed these circumstances raised serious questions about vulnerability, capacity, and whether her desire to die reflected enduring autonomy or the distortions of untreated mental suffering.

The questions we asked in the aftermath changed the course of my life. What began as a daughter’s attempt to understand how this could happen evolved into years of investigation involving Freedom of Information requests, regulatory complaints, and what became Canada’s first police investigation into a MAiD death. That work eventually led me to testify before parliamentary committees on two separate occasions and to discussions with policymakers in the United Kingdom and Scotland. It also became the foundation for my forthcoming book, The Other Side of the Straitjacket: A Daughter’s Story of Mental Illness and Assisted Dying.

What has struck me most over these years is not simply the polarization surrounding MAiD, but the increasingly narrow boundaries of acceptable discourse around it.

Every ethically serious medical practice should be able to tolerate scrutiny, especially one involving the intentional ending of human life. Yet in Canada’s MAiD debate, criticism is often treated less as a contribution to oversight than as a threat to the legitimacy of the system itself. Questions about safeguards are reframed as attacks on autonomy. Concerns about psychiatric vulnerability are dismissed as ideological opposition. Scientific uncertainty is presented to the public with a confidence that the underlying evidence does not always justify.

One of the clearest examples of this is the debate over the physiological effects of MAiD medications. Public discussion of this issue gained momentum following the work of Dr. Joel Zivot, an American anesthesiologist and expert in lethal injection pharmacology, who raised concerns during testimony before the Canadian Senate in 2021 as Canada was considering the expansion of its MAiD regime to include individuals whose natural death was not reasonably foreseeable. Zivot questioned whether the drug protocols used in assisted dying may, in some cases, lead to rapid fluid accumulation in the lungs—a condition known as pulmonary edema, which impairs oxygen exchange and, in severe cases, may produce a dying process he described as more akin to drowning.

His testimony raised an important question: how much do we actually know about the physiological effects of MAiD medications during the dying process?

Recently, I came across a Substack article from a MAiD advocacy platform criticizing military veteran and MAiD critic Kelsi Sheren for raising concerns about pulmonary edema during assisted dying. In dismissing those concerns, the authors wrote: “Perhaps the most common and harmful example is her claim that the MAiD medications cause fluid to build up in the lungs and cause the person to drown—which is completely untrue.”

I found that statement deeply troubling—not simply because I disagree with it, but because I possess evidence that directly challenges it.

Through Freedom of Information records, I obtained documentation of the precise medications and dosages administered to end my mother’s life. The protocol was neither unusual nor experimental. It matched the standard intravenous drug regimen recommended by the Canadian Association of MAiD Assessors and Providers (CAMAP).

I also possess something extraordinarily rare in a MAiD case: an autopsy.

Because MAiD deaths are generally classified as expected deaths with a known cause, autopsies are seldom performed. As a result, post-mortem evidence examining the physiological effects of MAiD medications in real-world settings remains remarkably limited.

My mother’s autopsy documented pulmonary edema.

Whatever conclusions one draws from a single case, it leaves little room for absolutism.

I am not suggesting this proves pulmonary edema occurs in every MAiD death, nor that every patient experiences conscious respiratory distress. It does, however, establish an important point: pulmonary edema can occur after the administration of standard MAiD medications.

That makes the assertion that such concerns are “completely untrue” difficult to defend.

A more intellectually honest position would be to acknowledge that we do not yet know how often pulmonary edema occurs during MAiD, under what circumstances it develops, or what clinical significance it may carry, largely because the research simply has not been done.

I have attempted to engage directly with the authors of this Substack on this issue. I approached them in good faith, outlining the evidence in my possession and raising what I believe are legitimate questions about the physiological effects of MAiD and the troubling lack of meaningful clinical research in this area.

What I encountered was not curiosity, but defensiveness. And that, in many ways, captures the deeper problem.

Increasingly, I see advocacy groups, institutions, and stakeholders responding to questions about MAiD not by openly examining potential flaws in the system, but by protecting the system from scrutiny. The impulse is not to ask what might be missing from our understanding, but how confidence in the existing narrative can be preserved.

This is a pattern I know intimately. My family experienced it repeatedly after my mother’s death. Over time, I came to recognize this pattern as a form of institutional gaslighting. Not overt manipulation, but something subtler: selective framing, strategic omission, and unwavering certainty in areas where meaningful uncertainty remains.

The effect is profound. People begin to question what they witnessed, what they know, and whether their observations are legitimate—not because the evidence disproved them, but because the dominant narrative leaves no room for competing truths.

That principle matters profoundly in medicine, where progress has never depended on the defence of existing assumptions, but on the willingness to question them. Medicine advances because clinicians and researchers remain open to anomalies, willing to investigate uncomfortable evidence, and humble enough to acknowledge the limits of current knowledge. Ethical systems should demand no less of themselves.

That is why the growing defensiveness surrounding MAiD concerns me. Any system empowered to intentionally end life carries an extraordinary burden of accountability. Public trust in such a system cannot rest on polished messaging or categorical reassurance; it must be earned through transparency, rigorous scrutiny, and a genuine willingness to examine where safeguards may fail.

What concerns me most is not disagreement, nor even criticism. It is the gradual normalization of a culture in which difficult questions are treated as threats rather than as necessary components of ethical oversight. Once that happens, the goal subtly shifts. The priority is no longer understanding what is true, but preserving confidence in what is already believed.

That is a dangerous place for medicine—or for any institution entrusted with irreversible decisions—to operate.

I am proud to be an American. And I am not disposable.


The text of a speech by Meghan Schrader on July 3rd at an ADAPT of Texas rally to save the 2024 Final Rule’s updates to Section 504 of the Rehabilitation Act.

Meghan Schrader
Meghan Schrader
Disability activist and member of the EPC-USA Board

I am asking Attorney General Paxton to show compassion and respect to disabled people by dropping the Texas vs. Kennedy lawsuit, which seeks to have the 2024 Final Rule’s updates to Section 504 of The Rehabilitation Act, one of our nation’s flagship disability access laws, declared unconstitutional.

Some decent people I’ve tried to talk to about Texas vs. Kennedy dismiss disability advocates’ concerns about this lawsuit as “woke hysteria.” But the accessibility guidelines that are outlined in the Final Rule are not “woke politics” or a culture war issue, they are a matter of human dignity.

The practices outlined in the Final Rule are necessary to meet the human family’s moral obligations to people with disabilities.

The Declaration of Independence says, 
“We hold these truths to be self-evident, that all men are created equal, that they are endowed by their Creator with certain unalienable rights, that among these are life, liberty and the pursuit of happiness."

Friday, July 3, 2026

Netherlands: Doctors are feeling pressured to approve euthanasia.

Alex Schadenberg
Executive Director, Euthanasia Prevention Coalition

The Netherlands Times reported on March 26, 2026 that there were 10,341 reported euthanasia deaths in 2025 representing 6% of all deaths, an increase of 3.8% from 9,958 in 2024.

Last week, the Netherlands Minister of Public Health, Sophie Hermans, confirmed that at least one child has now died by euthanasia in the Netherlands.

The Netherlands Times published an article on July 3, 2026 concerning a study that has examined the cultural changes that are feeding the increase in euthanasia deaths. The article states:

Lead researcher and healthcare ethicist Els van Wijngaarden of Radboudumc observes that “the euthanasia law has not changed, but its application has.” Last year, cancer was the reason for euthanasia in only about half of all cases. In the late 1990s, this was still 90 percent. Other reasons, like dementia and mental disorders, increased.

Views on end-of-life suffering have changed significantly, the researchers note. Euthanasia is more frequently a topic of conversation, and religious views play an increasingly smaller role.
The report also studied changes in the Netherlands healthcare system.
The report also highlights the pressure on the healthcare system. According to the researchers, healthcare cutbacks, staff shortages in terminal and elderly care, and problems in mental healthcare can reinforce or encourage euthanasia requests. “For example, when patients notice that their quality of life is declining due to pressure on the healthcare system, this could influence their choice for euthanasia,” the researchers state.

Van Wijngaarden cannot say whether the pressure on the healthcare system directly leads to more euthanasia requests. According to her, more research is needed for that. However, she finds the shortcomings in the healthcare system alarming. "You do not want pressure on the healthcare system to go hand in hand with increasing acceptance of euthanasia." Researchers are therefore calling for further investigation into the role of that pressure.
The report also examined pressure on physicians to kill by euthanasia.
The report also notes that doctors are experiencing increasing pressure from patients and their loved ones because euthanasia is increasingly seen as a normal way of dying. Patients are increasingly reluctant to accept when a doctor rejects a request for euthanasia, which in turn can make doctors more reluctant to allow it. The Termination of Life Review Act, which allows people to apply for euthanasia, is based on the principles of “mercy, the protectability of life, and autonomy.”

According to the researchers, that balance is shifting, with autonomy becoming increasingly important to patients. People increasingly believe they are entitled to euthanasia, even though this is not the case. “Euthanasia continues to be considered a special medical act. Many doctors experience its execution as morally burdensome, emotionally stressful, and time-consuming,” Van Wijngaarden said.
The report found that doctors are feeling pressured to approve euthanasia.

The Netherlands Times reported that Mirjam Bikker (CU) who ahad requested that the government conduct the study, called it: 

"alarming" that "the shortage of care contributes to the rise in euthanasia." 

Researcher Van Wijngaarden thought that is "too simplistic."

The euthanasia report was presented to Minister of Public Health, Sophie Hermans (VVD) on Thursday July 2, 2026.

More articles on the Netherlands euthanasia law.

  • Child euthanasia confirmed in the Netherlands (Read).
  • Dutch psychiatrist warns Canada don't extend euthanasia to mental illness (Read).
  • Psychiatric euthanasia and suicide prevention in the Netherlands (Read).
  • Netherlands 2025 euthanasia report. Euthanasia deaths surpass 10,000 (Read).
  • Autistic teenager euthanized in the Netherlands (Read).
  • Euthanasia for young people and psychiatric reasons in the Netherlands (Read).

Maryland: A moral reckoning on assisted suicide.

Alex Schadenberg
Executive Director, Euthanasia Prevention Coalition.


Jonathon Alexandre
Several years ago I had the opportunity to do a speaking tour in the state of Maryland. Based on that experience I can really appreciate the article by Jonathan Alexandre that was published on June 20, 2026 in the Townhall on the assisted suicide debate in Maryland. Alexandre writes:
Assisted suicide in Maryland is stirring through this electoral season and will certainly be in the 2027 Maryland General Assembly. Regardless of how the issue is framed by proponents of physician-assisted suicide, the outcome is still death. They have given death a new wardrobe. They've dressed a lethal prescription in the language of compassion. But do not be deceived. Make no mistake: physician-assisted suicide is still suicide. The goal is still death. The poison is still poison. And the people who will be most exposed to it—the people who will feel its weight most brutally—are the same people who have always been asked to carry the heaviest burdens in this state: Black Marylanders and our brothers and sisters living with disabilities.
Alexandre comments on role of the Black legislative caucus who were the Firewall in defeating previous assisted suicide bills.
For years—the Black legislative caucus of Maryland stood as a firewall. At approximately 30 percent of the legislature, the African American delegation was more than a constituency. It was a conscience. They knew what their communities knew. They had heard the sermons. They understood, instinctively and historically, that when the government starts making death affordable and convenient, it is the poor and the brown and the disabled who get offered the off-ramp first. They voted no, no to Medical aid in dying (MAID) because they understood the stakes.

The members of the legislature representing the most Black-populated jurisdictions in this state consistently voted against the bill in 2019 with a simple, almost pastoral, reasoning: they feared medical centers, including nursing homes, would coerce vulnerable people into a decision they hadn't truly made for themselves. That is a lived reality for communities where medical trust has been seared in the furnace of Tuskegee and forced sterilizations.
Alexandre is concerned that the Firewall is crumbling.
Now, whispers inside the statehouse and on the campaign trail suggest the firewall is crumbling. Some who once stood firm are reconsidering. Some are being told this bill is different this time—that the safeguards are real, that the community's fears are overblown. Some, it appears, are being persuaded by lobbyists, by campaign coffers, and by the social currency of national progressive credentialing. But you are being sold a lie, and in accepting it, you are selling your people downriver.

Safeguards? Alexandre comments:

The proponents of physician-assisted suicide love their so-called "safeguards." But they are an imposter’s gesture of responsibility with no actual protection. The bill requires that a patient be evaluated for mental health impairment, but only if the attending physician thinks they might have impaired judgment. In any other context where a person expresses a desire to end their life, society mobilizes. Dial 988. Crisis counselors. Full intervention.

But under this bill, because the desire to die has been legally gambled away into "medical treatment," the system does not intervene. It complies. It prescribes. It sends them home—alone, often without witness, without medical supervision—with a lethal dose and a death certificate that lies and says "natural causes."

And what of coercion? The bill's answer to coercion is to ask the patient if they're being coerced. Think about that. Undue influence, by definition, operates by overcoming a person's free will without their immediate awareness. If they knew they were being coerced, it would not be coercion. “Safeguard,” therefore, is a legal fiction designed to check a compliance box while a vulnerable human being is ushered toward their death.

Alexandre comments on what Black Marylanders experience in the health care system.

Communities of color in Maryland face documented, persistent disparities in healthcare access. Black patients are more likely to receive inadequate pain management. They are more likely to be categorized as terminal without exhaustive exploration of alternatives. They face greater financial barriers to life-saving treatment. They navigate a healthcare system that has, in living memory, exploited their bodies for research, sterilized them without consent, and delivered inferior care as a matter of policy.

Now, into this same broken landscape, we are being asked to introduce legal suicide as a medical option. And when the penniless state and strained insurers are facing budget shortfalls, when the cost of keeping a terminally ill patient alive is weighed against the cost of a lethal prescription, do we honestly believe that the patient in the underserved community will receive the same calculus as the patient in an affluent area of the state? At this point, this is more than a slippery slope. This is digging the pit, and our most vulnerable neighbors are standing at the edge.

Alexandre also comments on the disability community.

The disability community has been sounding this alarm for decades. They have argued that assisted suicide laws endanger them. When society tells certain communities, directly or indirectly, that death is cheaper than treatment, then choice becomes expectation, and expectation becomes pressure. All this is packaged in a sinister opaque bill that in the past would almost guarantee a no vote from black legislators. Now we are not so certain we can count on them to do the right thing for our community.

Alexandre comments on the role of the Church.

I do not say this to shame anyone. I say this because the Black church—the institution that has been the backbone, the sanctuary, the war room of this community through slavery and Jim Crow and every assault that came after—has been nearly unanimous in its opposition. The Maryland Baptists have spoken. The faith leaders of Prince George's County have spoken. But when elected officials begin to drift away from the communities they represent and toward the interests of those who fund their campaigns, we have a word for that. It is called betrayal.

Alexandre challenges legislators who are wavering on opposing assisted suicide.

To any Black Maryland legislator who is wavering—who has been lobbied, who has been charmed, who has been offered some calculus of political benefit in exchange for this vote—I want to humbly appeal to you now.

The people who are pushing this bill have money. They have infrastructure. They attempted to wave poll numbers in your face. But they are not your misdiagnosed grandmother, your neighbor who cannot afford a life-saving specialist, your disabled cousin fighting to be seen as fully human. A vote to legalize physician-assisted suicide targets those who look into your eyes every day. It places a state-sanctioned death option before our people who, in many ways, have never had equal access to life-affirming care.

Alexandre completes his article by urging Maryland legislators to oppose assisted suicide.

Maryland's Black legislators were right the first time. They were right in 2019. They were right in 2024. And if they hold that line—if they choose their people over political expediency—they will be right again. History will vindicate them. Our communities will thank them. And in a generation where so many surrendered, they will be counted among the few who stood firm on solid ground for life when death was hoping to meet our people down river.

More articles on the Maryland assisted suicide debate.

  • Maryland assisted suicide bill appears to be dead again (Read).
  • Great news. Maryland assisted suicide bill is dead (Read).
  • Assisted suicide, disability discrimination and racial disparities (Read). 
  • Maryland assisted suicide bill may permit euthanasia (Read).

Thursday, July 2, 2026

When death comes casually, Euthanasia is out of control in Canada.

Alex Schadenberg
Executive Director, Euthanasia Prevention Coalition

Lorne Gunter, who is a columnist and an editorial board member with the National Post wrote an excellent article that was published in the Edmonton Journal on June 24, 2026 titled: When death comes casually, MAiD out of control.

Gunter begins his article by stating that Canada legalized euthanasia 10 years ago and since parliament legalized it:
...we have become the leading country in the world for having doctors speed the deaths of their patients with a suicidal cocktail of powerful drugs.
Gunter explains how euthanasia is done:
First, there is usually an IV of sedatives to ease the patient’s stress and anxiety. Then comes a high concentration of anesthetics that lead to deep unconsciousness or coma. Finally, death is induced through neuromuscular blockers that stop the heart and end breathing.
Gunter then discusses the number of euthanasia deaths that occur on a yearly basis, comparing Canada's euthanasia deaths (16,499 in 2024) to the Netherlands. He then comments on the rapid increase in euthanasia in Canada.
Another problem is the growing number of doctors who are prepared to sign off on just about anyone’s request.

When MAID began ... patients had to have a “grievous and irremediable medical condition” — an incurable illness, disease, or disability in an advanced state of irreversible decline. Death had to be expected within six months or patients often had to wait until they were nearing the end.
Gunter is nearly correct. The original law did not require a person to have a 6 month prognosis, it required that a person's - "natural death be reasonably foreseeable" which was never defined in the law, nonetheless, Canada's euthanasia law expanded in 2021 by removing the requirement that a person be terminally ill.

Gunter then writes about the recent story of the Tim Horton's approval.
Now a doctor will meet you in the parking lot of Tim Hortons and, in between ordering a double-double and some Timbits, sign off on your MAID request.

That’s not an example I made up for emphasis. It actually happened in Ontario.

A London, Ont. physician, Dr. James MacLean, met with a man who had inflammatory bowel disease outside a local Tims. Inflammatory bowel disease is often very painful and there is no cure, but there are surgeries and medications to control the symptoms. The man’s other complaint was a history of mental health issues, which are not supposed to be a basis for MAID. After meeting with the man outside Tims, MacLean personally drove him to the place MAID was performed.
Gunter then writes about the euthanasia death of Kiano Vafaeian:
Kiano Vafaeian, a 26-year-old Ontario man died by MAID last Dec. 30 in a Vancouver funeral home. He had tried several times in his home province to receive MAID for a painful nerve disorder and blindness, both resulting from his Type 1 diabetes.

But after calling a Vancouver-area clinic, he flew out unbeknownst to his family and was promptly euthanized.
It is important to note that on June 17 Canada's parliamentary euthanasia committee advised the government to reverse the part of the law that was to allow euthanasia for mental illness beginning on March 17, 2027. 

Canadian government gives $289,226 to euthanasia podcast.

Alex Schadenberg
Executive Director, Euthanasia Prevention Coalition

The Euthanasia Prevention Coalition has produced many excellent youtube video's that are available online.

Kathy Kortes-Miller
Thanks to researcher Patricia Maloney, who is an expert at filing government freedom of information (FOI) requests we have learned that Dr. Kathy M. Kortes-Miller, School of Social Work, at Lakehead University received $289,226 from the Canadian government for a series of podcasts titled: Disrupting Death; An examination of Canadian Experiences with Medical Assistance in Dying (MAiD).

Maloney wrote:
I listened to five episodes. It is a pro-euthanasia podcast, as one would expect. (Maybe other episodes will be more neutral and or against MAID but somehow I doubt it.)

$289,226 is not the only money given by the federal government to promote euthanasia.

Kortes-Miller has featured people who oppose euthanasia in her series.

In May 2023, Patricia Maloney uncovered that CAMAP, received $3,287,996 in funding from the Canadian government in 2021.

CAMAP is the Canadian Association of MAiD Assessors and Providers which is the group that provides training and advocacy for doctors and nurse practitioners who are assessing and providing MAiD (euthanasia).

In September 2025, Kelsi Sheren pointed out that Health Canada was funding CAMAP's new Canadian Journal of MAiD, in their attempt to further normalize killing.

Kortes-Miller's podcast series was featured in the second issue of the Canadian Journal of MAiD.

The Canadian Journal of MAiD planning committee (Link).

Patricia Maloney will continue by researching:
  1. What other grants that promote and celebrate MAID are likewise hidden in the Open Government database?
  2. What are the chances that the government would also fund an anti-MAID podcast?

Thank you Patricia for you continual research. 

France's Senate may decide not to debate euthanasia bill.

France's Senate should debate the bill and once again reject it.

Alex Schadenberg
Executive Director, 
Euthanasia Prevention Coalition

I reported on June 30 that France's National Assembly voted to pass the euthanasia bill by a vote of 295 to 232. 
 
In the article I explained that France's National Assembly has twice passed similar euthanasia bills and each time France's Senate defeated the bills. 

Even if France's Senate defeats the euthanasia bill again, the National Assembly can over-ride the vote and legalize euthanasia.

On May 11, 2026, France's Senate defeated the euthanasia bill by a vote of 151 to 118 and then passed, by a vote of 325 to 18, the section of the bill that improves access to palliative care.

President Emmanuel Macron and the President of the National Assembly, Yaël Braun-Pivet both support legalizing euthanasia and they have pressured members of the National Assembly to support it.

France's Senate Social Affairs Committee has proposed to not debate the euthanasia bill. There is logic to this proposal based on the fact that the National Assembly can over-ride the decision of the Senate, nonetheless, the Senate should debate the bill and once again reject it.

From France's Senate Social Affairs Committee - Based on the different perspectives between France's National Assembly the Senate - Ms. BONFANTI-DOSSAT and Mr. MILON proposed on June 30 (google translated):
Pursuant to Article 44, paragraph 3, of the Rules of Procedure, the Senate decides that there is no need to continue the deliberation on the bill, adopted by the National Assembly on second reading, relating to the right to assisted dying (No. 814, 2025-2026).
The Senate proposal continues (google translated):
Noting the political impasse resulting from the Senate's rejection, on two occasions, of the bill relating to the right to assisted dying and the failure of the joint committee, this motion aims to oppose the preliminary question to the bill adopted by the National Assembly on second reading no. 814 (2025-2026).

The parliamentary back-and-forth revealed the extent of the divisions caused by the introduction of a form of assisted dying, both within each chamber and between the chambers.

The commission and the National Assembly have, in fact, defended diametrically opposed conceptions of end-of-life care.

Far from making assisted dying an exceptional measure, the National Assembly has stubbornly defended a particularly broad interpretation, establishing assisted suicide and euthanasia as widely accessible rights, based on criteria whose scope and imprecision pave the way for a certain expansion of the system. The beginnings of this dynamic have already been observed during parliamentary debates: the National Assembly came very close to authorizing recourse to euthanasia even in the absence of any incapacity on the part of the individual to self-administer the substance.
The Senate proposal outlined the attempt to find a compromise and reiterates how the bill passed in the National Assembly is wide in scope and lacks definition. The Senate proposal continued:
The Senate's rejection of the text on two occasions prevented the debate, which the commission nevertheless deemed necessary to initiate with the National Assembly, from flourishing, in order to restrict the scope of eligibility of persons and secure procedural guarantees.

In this context, it is clear that the National Assembly has paid little attention to the work of the commission.

The eligibility criteria remained unchanged. The repeated refusal to regulate the life expectancy of eligible individuals, which alone could have guaranteed that assisted dying would be reserved for genuine end-of-life situations, demonstrates the National Assembly's desire to make this text a law for those who want to die, and not a law for those who are going to die, contrary to the position defended by the committee.

The National Assembly also remained deaf to the committee's concerns regarding the strengthening of procedural safeguards. For example, assessing the free and informed nature of a patient's wishes, which cannot be duly verified by a single physician after a single consultation, would have required systematic psychiatric evaluation. The text submitted to the Senate does not provide for this.

While some specific initiatives from the commission were adopted—regarding the involvement of relatives, securing the system for protected adults, and regulating the locations where lethal substances are administered—the National Assembly remained unmoved by the most fundamental concerns, which the rapporteurs had nevertheless shared during the joint committee meeting. Neither strengthening the collegial nature of the decision-making process, nor the mandatory participation of a mental health professional within the panel, nor even the establishment of genuine mechanisms for ex-ante or in-depth oversight were adopted.

Therefore, the text submitted to the Senate would lead to France having one of the most permissive procedures in the world and, in any case, insufficiently rigorous to guarantee a robust assessment of eligibility criteria.

The rapporteurs can only note the irreconcilable divisions between the committee's vision and that defended by the National Assembly, which render any attempt at reaching a compromise futile at this stage of the procedure. The tabling of this preliminary motion reflects their refusal to endorse the illusion of a parliamentary dialogue whose outcome would be certain if the text were to be put to a final reading in the National Assembly.

It is now up to the Government to fully grasp the extent of this political impasse. While all attempts at reconciliation have failed, the executive branch cannot ignore the clear lack of parliamentary consensus surrounding this reform. This law is not like any other: because it involves some of the most fundamental anthropological, ethical, and societal choices, it cannot thrive in dissension and antagonism.

Faced with a similar situation, the United Kingdom chose to suspend the debate on introducing assisted dying. Wisdom would therefore dictate that the Government follow this example and end this fruitless back-and-forth, rather than using the constitutional means at its disposal to force through such a reform.
The Senate Social Affairs Committee points out that this bill is like no other, thus using constitional means to forcefully legalize euthanasia is simply wrong.

Sebastien Ostertag outlined the extent of France's euthanasia bill, that if passed would: 
  • Catholic and otherwise Christian retirement homes and medical institutions will likely shut down since there is no conscience clause for religious institutions.
  • Nurses and pharmacists can be forced to participate in euthanasia, since there is no conscience clause for them.
  • Those who are poor and suffering may be pressured into death since access to palliative care isn't universal.
  • The waiting/reflection period before death is only 48 hours.
  • Estimates from France suggest that, based on France's population, 50,000 people could die every year from euthanasia.
  • The family won't be able to ask the court to stop the decision to die.
  • Proponents of the bill will likely push for further expansions, as in other jurisdictions, to allow children to be euthanized, people with mental illness and criminalizing those who try to dissuade someone from being killed.
Instead of competing with Canada's expansive and undefined killing by lethal poison law, France must examine Canada's experience with euthanasia and reject the bill. 

Québec legalized euthanasia in 2015 based on "exceptional circumstances". The French Canadian province now has the highest euthanasia rate in the world.

Wednesday, July 1, 2026

We demand a complete review of Canada's euthanasia law. We want real medical care.

*Please sign and share the link to our EPC petition (Petition Link)

By Gordon Friesen & Alex Schadenberg
President, Euthanasia Prevention Coalition
Executive Director, Euthanasia Prevention Coalition

EPC has an online petition and post-cards to be sent to members of parliment as well as a traditional paper petition demanding a complete review of Canada's euthanasia law. 

*Please sign and share the link to our EPC petition (Petition Link)

Contact EPC at: info@epcc.ca to order post-cards or paper petitions at no cost.

The Euthanasia Prevention Coalition (EPC) is petitioning the government to undertake a complete, and long-promised review of Canada's euthanasia (MAiD) law.

Events have unfolded in a completely unexpected and alarming fashion; that current policy has little to do with its originally stated intent of the law; that such policy is in fact led to a horrific course that no one anticipated (or very few) but which is now evolving under its own anti-human economic logic and impetus.

Even our organized resistance to euthanasia did not anticipate Canada's euthanasia law becoming so extreme. Canada has always made it a priority to champion fair treatment of the most vulnerable, in terms of access to needed care and services. For we all immediately understand that legal medical homicide threatens safety. What we did not understand is just how bad the law would become.

Very simply put, the "most vulnerable" narrative assumes that disputed benefits actually exist; that people are generally able to access appropriate services; that only certain groups (defined perhaps by economic, racial, gender, or ability criteria) are not. However, as the situation now exists in Canada, real health care --meaning truly life-affirming care, free of the pressure to accept euthanasia-- is hard to attain (in so far as that availability depends upon the State).


Good and decent doctors and nurses do exist, of course! And they are clearly among the most influential part of our Coalition. However, our chances of being treated properly as patients should not be dependant upon the personal moral compass of individual professionals who are now forced to operate as dissidents within a hostile system.

That is not at all how things were intended to be. We have always been taught to expect proper medical care as a right of citizenship. Our universal Canadian system was established with the precise goal of making such care available to all.

Shockingly, the true calamity we are now experiencing involves nothing less than the cynical replacement of that time-honoured medical ideal, with a radical, euthanasia-based, veterinary-style system of population management.

In this scheme, advanced medical treatment will indeed be provided for those briefly incapacitated persons who may easily be restored to full productive status. But a radically different path is marked out for everyone else, which is to say: for anyone at all whose physical or mental status --for whatever reason-- might cause their expected economic contribution to fall below the cost of their upkeep. In these cases, illness, disability, and even simple aging itself, are now to be collapsed into the smallest social dimension possible, by actively steering all such individuals towards the newly discovered medical "treatment" of euthanasia.

Indeed, the only easy way to escape this trap requires personal resources large enough to privately make up the difference. For our ruling elites there is obviously no difficulty. Simply jump in the plane, and off they go, to state-of-the-art facilities provided by dynamic extra-national organizations dedicated to the satisfaction of every client whim (medical or otherwise) in settings of luxury.

However, in Canada few individuals possess such options. The available earnings of the entire working and middle classes are already fully committed to the spending policies of which medical care is by far the greatest component. For the individual taxpayer, that money cannot be spent twice. No personal budgetary room remains for typical Canadians to pay, out of pocket, for real medical care.

To repeat the essential: service deprivation is now the norm, not the exception. To portray this as a "most vulnerable" issue (wholly, or even primarily) would require the redefinition of "most vulnerable" to include any person whose speedy recovery cannot guarantee prompt return on investment. And in the normal experience of accident and aging (while excluding our rulers) this is a category which includes the entire population.

Alex Schadenberg May 5 presentation
The EPC presentation to the AMAD Committee on May 5 stated that Canada needs to do a complete review of it's euthanasia law, which was actually part of the original euthanasia law that was implemented in June 2016. I stated:
...Parliament needs to examine how the current law has led to outcomes like the death of Kiano Vafaeian (26) who died by MAiD in Vancouver on December 30, 2025. 
Parliament needs to completely review the euthanasia law.

More broadly, Canada’s assisted dying law is vague. While Health Canada provides guidance, the legal framework allows for wide interpretation and it lacks effective oversight.

Because of time constraints, I will highlight one key issue.

Sections 241 (3) and 241 (3.1) of Canada's Criminal Code states that medical practitioners or nurse practitioners are required only to be “of the opinion” that the eligibility criteria are met. That, in practice, makes accountability extremely difficult, even impossible to prosecute a medical or nurse practitioner in Canada, even when the MAiD death is clearly wrong or deeply disturbing.

The MDRC reports and cases that have already been submitted to you speak to that reality.

Canada should not be considering the expansion of the euthanasia law to include people with mental illness alone but rather Parliament needs to fully review the law.
In short, the problem of euthanasia affects every person at certain seasons in their life. Our common problem is the deliberate promotion of euthanasia by the State. It is the shameless presentation of medical homicide as a legitimate solution for many problems. Nor have we seen the worst. We may now expect decision-makers to actually lower care standards on purpose. For if suffering is assumed to have a cure --in euthanasia-- then suffering can no longer be allowed to impede rationalization.

In retrospect, I think it is fair to say that very few people could have suspected that a supposedly limited access to voluntary euthanasia might ever devolve into the scale of industrial destruction, of human life, to which we are now witness. Quite naturally, many people have come to question the "why" and the "how" of such a calamitous outcome.

And that is why we are calling for a complete review of Canada's euthanasia policy.

*Please sign and share the link to our EPC petition (Petition Link)

We demand a full review, as originally promised in the original law but never happened: an open and unfiltered scrutiny of current practice, accompanied at each stage by questions of past decisions. Everything must be on the table.

We further believe that serious changes must result. For we want real medical care.
 
Link to our letter to federal and provincial parliaments (Link to letter).