Sunday, July 5, 2026

How narrative control is narrowing Canada’s MAiD debate

This article was published by Alicia Duncan on July 2, 2026.

Alicia Duncan
The Cost of Certainty

By Alicia Duncan & Kelsi Sheren

Canada’s Medical Assistance in Dying (MAiD) regime was built on a promise that has become central to public trust: that those seeking an assisted death may do so within a framework of careful safeguards designed to protect the vulnerable while respecting autonomy.

I came to this issue not through ideology, but through experience. In October 2021, my mother died by MAiD in British Columbia after a rapid decline marked by severe weight loss, chronic pain, psychiatric deterioration, disordered eating, and profound hopelessness. My family believed these circumstances raised serious questions about vulnerability, capacity, and whether her desire to die reflected enduring autonomy or the distortions of untreated mental suffering.

The questions we asked in the aftermath changed the course of my life. What began as a daughter’s attempt to understand how this could happen evolved into years of investigation involving Freedom of Information requests, regulatory complaints, and what became Canada’s first police investigation into a MAiD death. That work eventually led me to testify before parliamentary committees on two separate occasions and to discussions with policymakers in the United Kingdom and Scotland. It also became the foundation for my forthcoming book, The Other Side of the Straitjacket: A Daughter’s Story of Mental Illness and Assisted Dying.

What has struck me most over these years is not simply the polarization surrounding MAiD, but the increasingly narrow boundaries of acceptable discourse around it.

Every ethically serious medical practice should be able to tolerate scrutiny, especially one involving the intentional ending of human life. Yet in Canada’s MAiD debate, criticism is often treated less as a contribution to oversight than as a threat to the legitimacy of the system itself. Questions about safeguards are reframed as attacks on autonomy. Concerns about psychiatric vulnerability are dismissed as ideological opposition. Scientific uncertainty is presented to the public with a confidence that the underlying evidence does not always justify.

One of the clearest examples of this is the debate over the physiological effects of MAiD medications. Public discussion of this issue gained momentum following the work of Dr. Joel Zivot, an American anesthesiologist and expert in lethal injection pharmacology, who raised concerns during testimony before the Canadian Senate in 2021 as Canada was considering the expansion of its MAiD regime to include individuals whose natural death was not reasonably foreseeable. Zivot questioned whether the drug protocols used in assisted dying may, in some cases, lead to rapid fluid accumulation in the lungs—a condition known as pulmonary edema, which impairs oxygen exchange and, in severe cases, may produce a dying process he described as more akin to drowning.

His testimony raised an important question: how much do we actually know about the physiological effects of MAiD medications during the dying process?

Recently, I came across a Substack article from a MAiD advocacy platform criticizing military veteran and MAiD critic Kelsi Sheren for raising concerns about pulmonary edema during assisted dying. In dismissing those concerns, the authors wrote: “Perhaps the most common and harmful example is her claim that the MAiD medications cause fluid to build up in the lungs and cause the person to drown—which is completely untrue.”

I found that statement deeply troubling—not simply because I disagree with it, but because I possess evidence that directly challenges it.

Through Freedom of Information records, I obtained documentation of the precise medications and dosages administered to end my mother’s life. The protocol was neither unusual nor experimental. It matched the standard intravenous drug regimen recommended by the Canadian Association of MAiD Assessors and Providers (CAMAP).

I also possess something extraordinarily rare in a MAiD case: an autopsy.

Because MAiD deaths are generally classified as expected deaths with a known cause, autopsies are seldom performed. As a result, post-mortem evidence examining the physiological effects of MAiD medications in real-world settings remains remarkably limited.

My mother’s autopsy documented pulmonary edema.

Whatever conclusions one draws from a single case, it leaves little room for absolutism.

I am not suggesting this proves pulmonary edema occurs in every MAiD death, nor that every patient experiences conscious respiratory distress. It does, however, establish an important point: pulmonary edema can occur after the administration of standard MAiD medications.

That makes the assertion that such concerns are “completely untrue” difficult to defend.

A more intellectually honest position would be to acknowledge that we do not yet know how often pulmonary edema occurs during MAiD, under what circumstances it develops, or what clinical significance it may carry, largely because the research simply has not been done.

I have attempted to engage directly with the authors of this Substack on this issue. I approached them in good faith, outlining the evidence in my possession and raising what I believe are legitimate questions about the physiological effects of MAiD and the troubling lack of meaningful clinical research in this area.

What I encountered was not curiosity, but defensiveness. And that, in many ways, captures the deeper problem.

Increasingly, I see advocacy groups, institutions, and stakeholders responding to questions about MAiD not by openly examining potential flaws in the system, but by protecting the system from scrutiny. The impulse is not to ask what might be missing from our understanding, but how confidence in the existing narrative can be preserved.

This is a pattern I know intimately. My family experienced it repeatedly after my mother’s death. Over time, I came to recognize this pattern as a form of institutional gaslighting. Not overt manipulation, but something subtler: selective framing, strategic omission, and unwavering certainty in areas where meaningful uncertainty remains.

The effect is profound. People begin to question what they witnessed, what they know, and whether their observations are legitimate—not because the evidence disproved them, but because the dominant narrative leaves no room for competing truths.

That principle matters profoundly in medicine, where progress has never depended on the defence of existing assumptions, but on the willingness to question them. Medicine advances because clinicians and researchers remain open to anomalies, willing to investigate uncomfortable evidence, and humble enough to acknowledge the limits of current knowledge. Ethical systems should demand no less of themselves.

That is why the growing defensiveness surrounding MAiD concerns me. Any system empowered to intentionally end life carries an extraordinary burden of accountability. Public trust in such a system cannot rest on polished messaging or categorical reassurance; it must be earned through transparency, rigorous scrutiny, and a genuine willingness to examine where safeguards may fail.

What concerns me most is not disagreement, nor even criticism. It is the gradual normalization of a culture in which difficult questions are treated as threats rather than as necessary components of ethical oversight. Once that happens, the goal subtly shifts. The priority is no longer understanding what is true, but preserving confidence in what is already believed.

That is a dangerous place for medicine—or for any institution entrusted with irreversible decisions—to operate.

I am proud to be an American. And I am not disposable.


The text of a speech by Meghan Schrader on July 3rd at an ADAPT of Texas rally to save the 2024 Final Rule’s updates to Section 504 of the Rehabilitation Act.

Meghan Schrader
Meghan Schrader
Disability activist and member of the EPC-USA Board

I am asking Attorney General Paxton to show compassion and respect to disabled people by dropping the Texas vs. Kennedy lawsuit, which seeks to have the 2024 Final Rule’s updates to Section 504 of The Rehabilitation Act, one of our nation’s flagship disability access laws, declared unconstitutional.

Some decent people I’ve tried to talk to about Texas vs. Kennedy dismiss disability advocates’ concerns about this lawsuit as “woke hysteria.” But the accessibility guidelines that are outlined in the Final Rule are not “woke politics” or a culture war issue, they are a matter of human dignity.

The practices outlined in the Final Rule are necessary to meet the human family’s moral obligations to people with disabilities.

The Declaration of Independence says, 
“We hold these truths to be self-evident, that all men are created equal, that they are endowed by their Creator with certain unalienable rights, that among these are life, liberty and the pursuit of happiness."

Friday, July 3, 2026

Canada had approximately 17,700 euthanasia deaths in 2025.

Canada has had more than 103,000 euthanasia deaths since legalization.

Alex Schadenberg
Executive Director,
Euthanasia Prevention Coalition

I predict that Canada had 17,700 reported euthanasia deaths in 2025 representing about 5.6% of all deaths and a 7.3% increase from 2024

I am researching the 2025 Canadian euthanasia data since Health Canada is slow to release data and Canadians have the right to know.

Health Canada's Sixth Annual Report on Medical Assistance in Dying was released on November 28, 2025 (2024 data)The 2024 data indicated that there were 16,499 reported (MAiD) Canadian euthanasia deaths representing 5.1% of all deaths which was up by 6.9% from 15,427 in 2023. 

I published an article on March 17, 2025 with preliminary predictions for 2025 and predicted that Canada would surpass 100,000 reported euthanasia deaths in April 2026.

Where do I get my data?  

The Office of the Chief Coroner of Ontario 2025 (MAiD) euthanasia data indicates that there were 5303 reported euthanasia deaths in 2025 which was up by almost 7.3% from 4,944 reported euthanasia deaths in 2024. Ontario represents 38.9% of Canada's population. 

The British Columbia (BC) Health Authority released its 2025 euthanasia data indicating that there were 3189 reported euthanasia deaths in BC in 2025 which was up by 6.3% from 3000 in 2024. 

Based on the reported 43,223 total BC deaths in 2025, euthanasia represents almost 7.4% of all deaths. BC has 13.5% of Canada's population.

Alberta Health Services also released its 2025 (MAiD) euthanasia data indicating that there were 1,242 reported euthanasia deaths in Alberta in 2025 which was up by more than 11% from 1,117 in 2024. Alberta represents 12.7% of Canada's population.

Nova Scotia Health released its 2025 MAiD euthanasia data indicating that there were 462 reported euthanasia deaths in 2025 which was up by 5% from 440 in 2024. Nova Scotia represents 2.6% of Canada's population.

Based on the official euthanasia data from Ontario, British Columbia, Alberta and Nova Scotia, in those provinces, there were 10,196 reported euthanasia deaths in 2025 which was up from 9501 in 2024 representing a 7.3% increase. These provinces represent about 67.7% of Canada's population.

How many people have died by euthanasia in Canada? 

According to the Sixth Annual Report, from legalization until December 31, 2024 there were 76,475 reported euthanasia deaths in Canada. When adding approximately 17,700 reported euthanasia deaths in 2025 we can estimate that from legalization until December 31, 2025 there were approximately 94,175 reported euthanasia deaths.

Is the number of euthanasia deaths increasing, decreasing or stable in 2026?

The official Chief Coroner of Ontario data indicates that there were 1,283 reported euthanasia deaths in the first quarter of 2026 which is up by 2.5% from 1,252 in the first quarter of 2025. This is not conclusive information but it does suggest that the number of euthanasia deaths has continued to increase by approximately 2.5% in 2026.

Based on this data, I estimate that there have been approximately 1,500 reported Canadian euthanasia deaths every month in 2026 and as of June 30, 2026, that there have been approximately 103,175 Canadian reported euthanasia deaths since legalization

More articles on Canada's euthanasia deaths.

  • Canada surpassed 100,000 euthanasia deaths since legalization (Read). 
  • Canada: Euthanasia continued to rise in 2025 (Read).
  • Canada will soon surpass 100,000 euthanasia deaths (Read). 
  • Canada reports a record number of deaths in 2024 (Read). 
  • Health Canada 2024 report states that 16,499 people died by euthanasia (Read)


Netherlands: Doctors are feeling pressured to approve euthanasia.

Alex Schadenberg
Executive Director, Euthanasia Prevention Coalition

The Netherlands Times reported on March 26, 2026 that there were 10,341 reported euthanasia deaths in 2025 representing 6% of all deaths, an increase of 3.8% from 9,958 in 2024.

Last week, the Netherlands Minister of Public Health, Sophie Hermans, confirmed that at least one child has now died by euthanasia in the Netherlands.

The Netherlands Times published an article on July 3, 2026 concerning a study that has examined the cultural changes that are feeding the increase in euthanasia deaths. The article states:

Lead researcher and healthcare ethicist Els van Wijngaarden of Radboudumc observes that “the euthanasia law has not changed, but its application has.” Last year, cancer was the reason for euthanasia in only about half of all cases. In the late 1990s, this was still 90 percent. Other reasons, like dementia and mental disorders, increased.

Views on end-of-life suffering have changed significantly, the researchers note. Euthanasia is more frequently a topic of conversation, and religious views play an increasingly smaller role.
The report also studied changes in the Netherlands healthcare system.
The report also highlights the pressure on the healthcare system. According to the researchers, healthcare cutbacks, staff shortages in terminal and elderly care, and problems in mental healthcare can reinforce or encourage euthanasia requests. “For example, when patients notice that their quality of life is declining due to pressure on the healthcare system, this could influence their choice for euthanasia,” the researchers state.

Van Wijngaarden cannot say whether the pressure on the healthcare system directly leads to more euthanasia requests. According to her, more research is needed for that. However, she finds the shortcomings in the healthcare system alarming. "You do not want pressure on the healthcare system to go hand in hand with increasing acceptance of euthanasia." Researchers are therefore calling for further investigation into the role of that pressure.
The report also examined pressure on physicians to kill by euthanasia.
The report also notes that doctors are experiencing increasing pressure from patients and their loved ones because euthanasia is increasingly seen as a normal way of dying. Patients are increasingly reluctant to accept when a doctor rejects a request for euthanasia, which in turn can make doctors more reluctant to allow it. The Termination of Life Review Act, which allows people to apply for euthanasia, is based on the principles of “mercy, the protectability of life, and autonomy.”

According to the researchers, that balance is shifting, with autonomy becoming increasingly important to patients. People increasingly believe they are entitled to euthanasia, even though this is not the case. “Euthanasia continues to be considered a special medical act. Many doctors experience its execution as morally burdensome, emotionally stressful, and time-consuming,” Van Wijngaarden said.
The report found that doctors are feeling pressured to approve euthanasia.

The Netherlands Times reported that Mirjam Bikker (CU) who ahad requested that the government conduct the study, called it: 

"alarming" that "the shortage of care contributes to the rise in euthanasia." 

Researcher Van Wijngaarden thought that is "too simplistic."

The euthanasia report was presented to Minister of Public Health, Sophie Hermans (VVD) on Thursday July 2, 2026.

More articles on the Netherlands euthanasia law.

  • Child euthanasia confirmed in the Netherlands (Read).
  • Dutch psychiatrist warns Canada don't extend euthanasia to mental illness (Read).
  • Psychiatric euthanasia and suicide prevention in the Netherlands (Read).
  • Netherlands 2025 euthanasia report. Euthanasia deaths surpass 10,000 (Read).
  • Autistic teenager euthanized in the Netherlands (Read).
  • Euthanasia for young people and psychiatric reasons in the Netherlands (Read).

Maryland: A moral reckoning on assisted suicide.

Alex Schadenberg
Executive Director, Euthanasia Prevention Coalition.


Jonathon Alexandre
Several years ago I had the opportunity to do a speaking tour in the state of Maryland. Based on that experience I can really appreciate the article by Jonathan Alexandre that was published on June 20, 2026 in the Townhall on the assisted suicide debate in Maryland. Alexandre writes:
Assisted suicide in Maryland is stirring through this electoral season and will certainly be in the 2027 Maryland General Assembly. Regardless of how the issue is framed by proponents of physician-assisted suicide, the outcome is still death. They have given death a new wardrobe. They've dressed a lethal prescription in the language of compassion. But do not be deceived. Make no mistake: physician-assisted suicide is still suicide. The goal is still death. The poison is still poison. And the people who will be most exposed to it—the people who will feel its weight most brutally—are the same people who have always been asked to carry the heaviest burdens in this state: Black Marylanders and our brothers and sisters living with disabilities.
Alexandre comments on role of the Black legislative caucus who were the Firewall in defeating previous assisted suicide bills.
For years—the Black legislative caucus of Maryland stood as a firewall. At approximately 30 percent of the legislature, the African American delegation was more than a constituency. It was a conscience. They knew what their communities knew. They had heard the sermons. They understood, instinctively and historically, that when the government starts making death affordable and convenient, it is the poor and the brown and the disabled who get offered the off-ramp first. They voted no, no to Medical aid in dying (MAID) because they understood the stakes.

The members of the legislature representing the most Black-populated jurisdictions in this state consistently voted against the bill in 2019 with a simple, almost pastoral, reasoning: they feared medical centers, including nursing homes, would coerce vulnerable people into a decision they hadn't truly made for themselves. That is a lived reality for communities where medical trust has been seared in the furnace of Tuskegee and forced sterilizations.
Alexandre is concerned that the Firewall is crumbling.
Now, whispers inside the statehouse and on the campaign trail suggest the firewall is crumbling. Some who once stood firm are reconsidering. Some are being told this bill is different this time—that the safeguards are real, that the community's fears are overblown. Some, it appears, are being persuaded by lobbyists, by campaign coffers, and by the social currency of national progressive credentialing. But you are being sold a lie, and in accepting it, you are selling your people downriver.

Safeguards? Alexandre comments:

The proponents of physician-assisted suicide love their so-called "safeguards." But they are an imposter’s gesture of responsibility with no actual protection. The bill requires that a patient be evaluated for mental health impairment, but only if the attending physician thinks they might have impaired judgment. In any other context where a person expresses a desire to end their life, society mobilizes. Dial 988. Crisis counselors. Full intervention.

But under this bill, because the desire to die has been legally gambled away into "medical treatment," the system does not intervene. It complies. It prescribes. It sends them home—alone, often without witness, without medical supervision—with a lethal dose and a death certificate that lies and says "natural causes."

And what of coercion? The bill's answer to coercion is to ask the patient if they're being coerced. Think about that. Undue influence, by definition, operates by overcoming a person's free will without their immediate awareness. If they knew they were being coerced, it would not be coercion. “Safeguard,” therefore, is a legal fiction designed to check a compliance box while a vulnerable human being is ushered toward their death.

Alexandre comments on what Black Marylanders experience in the health care system.

Communities of color in Maryland face documented, persistent disparities in healthcare access. Black patients are more likely to receive inadequate pain management. They are more likely to be categorized as terminal without exhaustive exploration of alternatives. They face greater financial barriers to life-saving treatment. They navigate a healthcare system that has, in living memory, exploited their bodies for research, sterilized them without consent, and delivered inferior care as a matter of policy.

Now, into this same broken landscape, we are being asked to introduce legal suicide as a medical option. And when the penniless state and strained insurers are facing budget shortfalls, when the cost of keeping a terminally ill patient alive is weighed against the cost of a lethal prescription, do we honestly believe that the patient in the underserved community will receive the same calculus as the patient in an affluent area of the state? At this point, this is more than a slippery slope. This is digging the pit, and our most vulnerable neighbors are standing at the edge.

Alexandre also comments on the disability community.

The disability community has been sounding this alarm for decades. They have argued that assisted suicide laws endanger them. When society tells certain communities, directly or indirectly, that death is cheaper than treatment, then choice becomes expectation, and expectation becomes pressure. All this is packaged in a sinister opaque bill that in the past would almost guarantee a no vote from black legislators. Now we are not so certain we can count on them to do the right thing for our community.

Alexandre comments on the role of the Church.

I do not say this to shame anyone. I say this because the Black church—the institution that has been the backbone, the sanctuary, the war room of this community through slavery and Jim Crow and every assault that came after—has been nearly unanimous in its opposition. The Maryland Baptists have spoken. The faith leaders of Prince George's County have spoken. But when elected officials begin to drift away from the communities they represent and toward the interests of those who fund their campaigns, we have a word for that. It is called betrayal.

Alexandre challenges legislators who are wavering on opposing assisted suicide.

To any Black Maryland legislator who is wavering—who has been lobbied, who has been charmed, who has been offered some calculus of political benefit in exchange for this vote—I want to humbly appeal to you now.

The people who are pushing this bill have money. They have infrastructure. They attempted to wave poll numbers in your face. But they are not your misdiagnosed grandmother, your neighbor who cannot afford a life-saving specialist, your disabled cousin fighting to be seen as fully human. A vote to legalize physician-assisted suicide targets those who look into your eyes every day. It places a state-sanctioned death option before our people who, in many ways, have never had equal access to life-affirming care.

Alexandre completes his article by urging Maryland legislators to oppose assisted suicide.

Maryland's Black legislators were right the first time. They were right in 2019. They were right in 2024. And if they hold that line—if they choose their people over political expediency—they will be right again. History will vindicate them. Our communities will thank them. And in a generation where so many surrendered, they will be counted among the few who stood firm on solid ground for life when death was hoping to meet our people down river.

More articles on the Maryland assisted suicide debate.

  • Maryland assisted suicide bill appears to be dead again (Read).
  • Great news. Maryland assisted suicide bill is dead (Read).
  • Assisted suicide, disability discrimination and racial disparities (Read). 
  • Maryland assisted suicide bill may permit euthanasia (Read).

Thursday, July 2, 2026

When death comes casually, Euthanasia is out of control in Canada.

Alex Schadenberg
Executive Director, Euthanasia Prevention Coalition

Lorne Gunter, who is a columnist and an editorial board member with the National Post wrote an excellent article that was published in the Edmonton Journal on June 24, 2026 titled: When death comes casually, MAiD out of control.

Gunter begins his article by stating that Canada legalized euthanasia 10 years ago and since parliament legalized it:
...we have become the leading country in the world for having doctors speed the deaths of their patients with a suicidal cocktail of powerful drugs.
Gunter explains how euthanasia is done:
First, there is usually an IV of sedatives to ease the patient’s stress and anxiety. Then comes a high concentration of anesthetics that lead to deep unconsciousness or coma. Finally, death is induced through neuromuscular blockers that stop the heart and end breathing.
Gunter then discusses the number of euthanasia deaths that occur on a yearly basis, comparing Canada's euthanasia deaths (16,499 in 2024) to the Netherlands. He then comments on the rapid increase in euthanasia in Canada.
Another problem is the growing number of doctors who are prepared to sign off on just about anyone’s request.

When MAID began ... patients had to have a “grievous and irremediable medical condition” — an incurable illness, disease, or disability in an advanced state of irreversible decline. Death had to be expected within six months or patients often had to wait until they were nearing the end.
Gunter is nearly correct. The original law did not require a person to have a 6 month prognosis, it required that a person's - "natural death be reasonably foreseeable" which was never defined in the law, nonetheless, Canada's euthanasia law expanded in 2021 by removing the requirement that a person be terminally ill.

Gunter then writes about the recent story of the Tim Horton's approval.
Now a doctor will meet you in the parking lot of Tim Hortons and, in between ordering a double-double and some Timbits, sign off on your MAID request.

That’s not an example I made up for emphasis. It actually happened in Ontario.

A London, Ont. physician, Dr. James MacLean, met with a man who had inflammatory bowel disease outside a local Tims. Inflammatory bowel disease is often very painful and there is no cure, but there are surgeries and medications to control the symptoms. The man’s other complaint was a history of mental health issues, which are not supposed to be a basis for MAID. After meeting with the man outside Tims, MacLean personally drove him to the place MAID was performed.
Gunter then writes about the euthanasia death of Kiano Vafaeian:
Kiano Vafaeian, a 26-year-old Ontario man died by MAID last Dec. 30 in a Vancouver funeral home. He had tried several times in his home province to receive MAID for a painful nerve disorder and blindness, both resulting from his Type 1 diabetes.

But after calling a Vancouver-area clinic, he flew out unbeknownst to his family and was promptly euthanized.
It is important to note that on June 17 Canada's parliamentary euthanasia committee advised the government to reverse the part of the law that was to allow euthanasia for mental illness beginning on March 17, 2027. 

Canadian government gives $289,226 to euthanasia podcast.

Alex Schadenberg
Executive Director, Euthanasia Prevention Coalition

The Euthanasia Prevention Coalition has produced many excellent youtube video's that are available online.

Kathy Kortes-Miller
Thanks to researcher Patricia Maloney, who is an expert at filing government freedom of information (FOI) requests we have learned that Dr. Kathy M. Kortes-Miller, School of Social Work, at Lakehead University received $289,226 from the Canadian government for a series of podcasts titled: Disrupting Death; An examination of Canadian Experiences with Medical Assistance in Dying (MAiD).

Maloney wrote:
I listened to five episodes. It is a pro-euthanasia podcast, as one would expect. (Maybe other episodes will be more neutral and or against MAID but somehow I doubt it.)

$289,226 is not the only money given by the federal government to promote euthanasia.

Kortes-Miller has featured people who oppose euthanasia in her series.

In May 2023, Patricia Maloney uncovered that CAMAP, received $3,287,996 in funding from the Canadian government in 2021.

CAMAP is the Canadian Association of MAiD Assessors and Providers which is the group that provides training and advocacy for doctors and nurse practitioners who are assessing and providing MAiD (euthanasia).

In September 2025, Kelsi Sheren pointed out that Health Canada was funding CAMAP's new Canadian Journal of MAiD, in their attempt to further normalize killing.

Kortes-Miller's podcast series was featured in the second issue of the Canadian Journal of MAiD.

The Canadian Journal of MAiD planning committee (Link).

Patricia Maloney will continue by researching:
  1. What other grants that promote and celebrate MAID are likewise hidden in the Open Government database?
  2. What are the chances that the government would also fund an anti-MAID podcast?

Thank you Patricia for you continual research. 

France's Senate may decide not to debate euthanasia bill.

France's Senate should debate the bill and once again reject it.

Alex Schadenberg
Executive Director, 
Euthanasia Prevention Coalition

reported on June 30 that France's National Assembly voted to pass the euthanasia bill by a vote of 295 to 232. 
 
In the article I explained that France's National Assembly has twice passed similar euthanasia bills and each time France's Senate defeated the bills. 

Even if France's Senate defeats the euthanasia bill again, the National Assembly can over-ride the vote and legalize euthanasia.

On May 11, 2026, France's Senate defeated the euthanasia bill by a vote of 151 to 118 and then passed, by a vote of 325 to 18, the section of the bill that improves access to palliative care.

President Emmanuel Macron and the President of the National Assembly, Yaël Braun-Pivet both support legalizing euthanasia and they have pressured members of the National Assembly to support it.

France's Senate Social Affairs Committee has proposed to not debate the euthanasia bill. There is logic to this proposal based on the fact that the National Assembly can over-ride the decision of the Senate, nonetheless, the Senate should debate the bill and once again reject it.

From France's Senate Social Affairs Committee - Based on the different perspectives between France's National Assembly the Senate - Ms. BONFANTI-DOSSAT and Mr. MILON proposed on June 30 (google translated):
Pursuant to Article 44, paragraph 3, of the Rules of Procedure, the Senate decides that there is no need to continue the deliberation on the bill, adopted by the National Assembly on second reading, relating to the right to assisted dying (No. 814, 2025-2026).
The Senate proposal continues (google translated):
Noting the political impasse resulting from the Senate's rejection, on two occasions, of the bill relating to the right to assisted dying and the failure of the joint committee, this motion aims to oppose the preliminary question to the bill adopted by the National Assembly on second reading no. 814 (2025-2026).

The parliamentary back-and-forth revealed the extent of the divisions caused by the introduction of a form of assisted dying, both within each chamber and between the chambers.

The commission and the National Assembly have, in fact, defended diametrically opposed conceptions of end-of-life care.

Far from making assisted dying an exceptional measure, the National Assembly has stubbornly defended a particularly broad interpretation, establishing assisted suicide and euthanasia as widely accessible rights, based on criteria whose scope and imprecision pave the way for a certain expansion of the system. The beginnings of this dynamic have already been observed during parliamentary debates: the National Assembly came very close to authorizing recourse to euthanasia even in the absence of any incapacity on the part of the individual to self-administer the substance.
The Senate proposal outlined the attempt to find a compromise and reiterates how the bill passed in the National Assembly is wide in scope and lacks definition. The Senate proposal continued:
The Senate's rejection of the text on two occasions prevented the debate, which the commission nevertheless deemed necessary to initiate with the National Assembly, from flourishing, in order to restrict the scope of eligibility of persons and secure procedural guarantees.

In this context, it is clear that the National Assembly has paid little attention to the work of the commission.

The eligibility criteria remained unchanged. The repeated refusal to regulate the life expectancy of eligible individuals, which alone could have guaranteed that assisted dying would be reserved for genuine end-of-life situations, demonstrates the National Assembly's desire to make this text a law for those who want to die, and not a law for those who are going to die, contrary to the position defended by the committee.

The National Assembly also remained deaf to the committee's concerns regarding the strengthening of procedural safeguards. For example, assessing the free and informed nature of a patient's wishes, which cannot be duly verified by a single physician after a single consultation, would have required systematic psychiatric evaluation. The text submitted to the Senate does not provide for this.

While some specific initiatives from the commission were adopted—regarding the involvement of relatives, securing the system for protected adults, and regulating the locations where lethal substances are administered—the National Assembly remained unmoved by the most fundamental concerns, which the rapporteurs had nevertheless shared during the joint committee meeting. Neither strengthening the collegial nature of the decision-making process, nor the mandatory participation of a mental health professional within the panel, nor even the establishment of genuine mechanisms for ex-ante or in-depth oversight were adopted.

Therefore, the text submitted to the Senate would lead to France having one of the most permissive procedures in the world and, in any case, insufficiently rigorous to guarantee a robust assessment of eligibility criteria.

The rapporteurs can only note the irreconcilable divisions between the committee's vision and that defended by the National Assembly, which render any attempt at reaching a compromise futile at this stage of the procedure. The tabling of this preliminary motion reflects their refusal to endorse the illusion of a parliamentary dialogue whose outcome would be certain if the text were to be put to a final reading in the National Assembly.

It is now up to the Government to fully grasp the extent of this political impasse. While all attempts at reconciliation have failed, the executive branch cannot ignore the clear lack of parliamentary consensus surrounding this reform. This law is not like any other: because it involves some of the most fundamental anthropological, ethical, and societal choices, it cannot thrive in dissension and antagonism.

Faced with a similar situation, the United Kingdom chose to suspend the debate on introducing assisted dying. Wisdom would therefore dictate that the Government follow this example and end this fruitless back-and-forth, rather than using the constitutional means at its disposal to force through such a reform.
The Senate Social Affairs Committee points out that this bill is like no other, thus using constitional means to forcefully legalize euthanasia is simply wrong.

Sebastien Ostertag outlined the extent of France's euthanasia bill, that if passed would: 
  • Catholic and otherwise Christian retirement homes and medical institutions will likely shut down since there is no conscience clause for religious institutions.
  • Nurses and pharmacists can be forced to participate in euthanasia, since there is no conscience clause for them.
  • Those who are poor and suffering may be pressured into death since access to palliative care isn't universal.
  • The waiting/reflection period before death is only 48 hours.
  • Estimates from France suggest that, based on France's population, 50,000 people could die every year from euthanasia.
  • The family won't be able to ask the court to stop the decision to die.
  • Proponents of the bill will likely push for further expansions, as in other jurisdictions, to allow children to be euthanized, people with mental illness and criminalizing those who try to dissuade someone from being killed.
Instead of competing with Canada's expansive and undefined killing by lethal poison law, France must examine Canada's experience with euthanasia and reject the bill. 

Québec legalized euthanasia in 2015 based on "exceptional circumstances". The French Canadian province now has the highest euthanasia rate in the world.

Tuesday, June 30, 2026

France National Assembly passes euthanasia bill. Final vote will be July 15.


Alex Schadenberg
Executive Director, Euthanasia Prevention Coalition

I have bad news.  

Sebastien Ostertag reported from France that the French National Assembly voted to support the euthanasia bill by a vote of 295 to 232 against.

The bill will go back to France's Senate but even if France's Senate defeats the euthanasia bill again, the National Assembly can over-ride the Senate if they vote to legalize on July 15, 2026.


On May 27, 2025, the French National Assembly passed the euthanasia bill by a vote of 305 to 199. On January 21, 2026, France's Senate defeated the bill by 181 to 122.

On February 25, 2026, the French National Assembly passed the euthanasia bill again. France's Senate once again defeated the bill on Monday May 11, 2026 by a vote of 151 to 118. The Senate then passed, by a vote of 325 to 18, the part of the law that improves access to palliative care.

Ostertag reported that the opposition has two weeks to change 32 votes before the final vote on July 15. Ostertag explains:

  • If the bill passes: Catholic and otherwise Christian retirement homes and medical institutions will likely shut down since there is no conscience clause for religious institutions.
  • Nurses and pharmacists can be forced to participate in euthanasia, since there is no conscience clause for them.
  • Those who are poor and suffering may be pressured into death since access to palliative care isn't universal.
  • The waiting/reflection period before death is only 48 hours.
  • Estimates from France suggest that, based on France's population, 50,000 people could die every year from euthanasia.
  • The family won't be able to ask the court to stop the decision to die.
  • Proponents of the bill will likely push for further expansions, as in other jurisdictions, to allow children to be euthanized, people with mental illness and criminalizing those who try to dissuade someone from being killed.

Unfortunately, the effort to put the question of euthanasia on the ballot through a parliamentary and constitutional procedure was struck down by the Conseil Constitutionnel, (French Supreme Court) which means that the July 15th vote is the last say, at least until after the next presidential election.

France's government strongly supports the euthanasia bill and has pressured members of the National Assembly to support it. President Emmanuel Macron and the President of the National Assembly, Yaël Braun-Pivet both support legalizing euthanasia.

France needs to examine the experience with euthanasia in Québec and completely reject the bill. Québec legalized euthanasia based on "exceptional circumstances" in 2015. The French Canadian province now has the highest euthanasia rate in the world.